2. Demise of unions and other w-c institutions, he argues, have left white workers socially bereft, and Trump speaks to their anxieties.
3. Looking at Cle. suburb of Parma, Arnade says, If Trump voters are "surging ahead...into outright racism," it's symptom of broader decline
4. There's one big problem with this argument, though: Parma was a bastion of racism and outright discrimination when unions were strong.
5. Arnade notes Parma is "almost all white." What he doesn't say is it's almost all white bec. the city fought all attempts at integration.
6. In 1970, there were 41 black ppl. in Parma, out of a population of 100K. In 1973, DOJ sued Parma for violating Fair Housing Act.
7. Parma fought the case for 7 yrs., and did nothing to integrate. In 1980, there were still only 364 black ppl. in city,
8. This was the result of deliberate action to keep black ppl. out. Fed. judge who finally ruled city had discriminated found that ...
9. Parma had a reputation as Cle. suburb that was "most hostile to blacks." Elected officials had made "overtly racist" statements.
10. Would-be black homebuyers were steered away. The city refused to accept any federal housing funds for fear it would require integration.
11. In 1968, Parma City Council refused to pass a housing resolution saying only city welcomed "all persons of goodwill."
12. Parma was, in other words, much like the Yonkers depicted in David Simon's "Show Me a Hero." Only worse.
13. White residents were firmly opposed to integration of any type even when unions were strong and the economy was booming.
14. It's frankly preposterous to depict white racism in Parma as if it's a response to changing economic conditions or social anomie.
15. Racism has been incredibly powerful in Parma for the entirety of the postwar period.
16. Now, you might say, as ppl. in Parma did, that it's easy for white elites to talk about integration when they live in lily-white worlds.
17. Except this isn't true in Cleveland. Shaker Heights, the ritzy suburb, made an explicit and rigorous commitment to integrate in late 50s
18. And maintained that commitment in the decades that followed. Results were imperfect, but ended up with far more integrated community.
19. It's absolutely true that the working class (white, black, Latino, etc.) has gotten a raw deal from the US economy since the 1970s.
20. It's also absolutely true that Trump, like Sanders, articulated working-class hostility to trade in a way that other candidates didn't.
21. But white working-class racism is not a new phenomenon. It's not stronger than it was when unions were powerful.
22. And the simple reality is that for progressive, and for the Dem Party, antiracism isn't a secondary consideration to economic justice.
23. Both are central to any truly progressive vision. So yes, the Dems are less welcoming to some white working-class voters than once were.
24. But that's because the Dem Party is more committed (even if imperfectly) to antiracism than it once was.